Co-hosted with Oxford Political Thought Seminar

Recent years have witnessed the framework of Setter Colonialism gaining hegemonic explanatory dominance among attempts to elucidate the Palestine/Israel trajectory. Scrutiny of many texts in this (newly-awoken) domain ultimately reveals that a modest number of new insights have been added to those already published by (anti-Zionist) Arabs and Israelis between 1962 (the foundation of Israel’s Matzpen) and 1974 (the PLO’s adoption of its Ten Point Programme). Whereas the pre-1974 Settler Colonial school was ‘historical’, the 21st century one appears somewhat ‘ahistorical’.

The Israeli news media has transformed significantly in recent years, due to an unprecedented wave of anti-media populism and online harassment. In this talk, I examine how and why Israeli journalists use their military service as a shield in response to online violence and digital hate, and what may be the implications for the future of media and democracy in Israel. What I call ‘the military-as-alibi strategy’ is highly consequential, I would argue. First, it excludes Israeli citizens who are exempt from military service (mostly Palestinian citizens of Israel and ultra-orthodox Jews).

Israel was originally to have a Constitution, but it never did as the issue proved divisive on religious grounds, among others. An unwritten constitution developed in its place. This is the legal context of current constitutional debates, including on the constitutional status of religion in Israel. The solution was the adoption of chapters or Basic Laws, that together would form a constitution. What are the Basic Laws - an exercise of a constitutional authority of the Knesset, if such existed? An exercise of legislative authority?